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Eastern brings back Arabic

Foreign language classes help students learn about culture

By: Laura Butler

Posted: 9/4/08

In many other countries, children begin learning languages other than their native tongue when they enter kindergarten.

The United States is slightly behind that learning curve, and has earned a bad reputation for lacking in cultural diversity.

But now, students at Eastern can further open their minds to different dialects, cultures and peoples by taking two classes in the foreign language department, Introduction to Arabic and Islamic Culture and Civilization.

According to Ezra Engling, chair of the foreign language and humanities department, Introduction to Arabic was removed from the course lineup in 2006 due to faculty staffing issues within the department.

Engling said the classes have been brought back because of student requests.

"Students are becoming more and more aware of the need for foreign language study," Engling said.

The criminal justice and military science programs also made requests for the classes to be reinstated.

The department originally scheduled only one Introduction to Arabic class for this semester, but because of the large number of students who registered for the class, the department added another, which Engling said has filled just as quickly.

One of the e-mails Engling received requesting the class was from student who had served in Iraq who will receive a promotion if he studies beyond the dialect he picked up during his tour.

"The fact that occupations are offering incentives to their employees for studying Arabic shows a need for an increase in the understanding of the Islamic culture and Arabic language," Engling said.

Arabic is one of the six official languages of the United Nations, but the United States only had eight Arabic speakers at the highest levels of proficiency in 2004.

Since then, the Association of American Universities, under the direction of and through funding from the national government, has developed a plan to remedy the shortage of Arabic speakers.

The end result is an initiative known as The National Security Language Initiative, a plan designed to "dramatically increase the number of Americans learning critical need foreign languages such as Arabic, Chinese, Russian, Hindi [and] Farsi."

The plan, which is already being implemented in many schools around the country, begins foreign language instruction at the kindergarten level and continues through formal schooling.

According to the initiative, the ability to communicate in other languages in order to "engage foreign governments and peoples" is an important part of post-9/11 security as well as a necessary measure to convey respect for other cultures.

Engling shared similar thoughts concerning the importance of learning Arabic.

"We are able to know and learn new things about the rest of the world through languages," he said.

"We can't afford to not know everything we can about the world we live in."

"The Eastern Progress - Eastern brings back Arabic." 5 Sep. 2008 .

A Talk with Kurdish President, Massoud Barzani

01/09/2008

Interview by Ma'ad Fayad in Arbil

[Asharq Al-Awsat] Do you believe that the federal government in Baghdad considers you as its partners in government?

[Barzani] This is the main problem. During my recent visit to Baghdad, I emphasized this point. We asked them: Are we partners or not? If you consider us as your partners then this is one issue; if you do not then this is another issue. They stressed that we are partners. However, in real practice, I doubt this.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] Do you yourselves feel that you are partners in the federal government?

[Barzani] This is a coalition government and we are partners in it. But the actions of this government are weird. We are partners but we do not have a role in the government. We are not partners in security, economic, and military issues and we do not know anything about these institutions.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] Do you talk openly to them in Baghdad? What is happening is that during you meetings with the federal governments, optimistic reports are issued but later the opposite happens.

[Barzani] During our recent visit, we reached good agreements and mechanisms to implement these agreements. We have a program on which we are in agreement with the government in Baghdad. But when we returned to the Kurdistan region, everything we had agreed upon was ignored. The programs agreed upon are being marginalized. This state of affairs does not serve our coalition or Iraq or the future of Iraq. Performance should be based on the principle of partnership and agreement. This is the only way to build the new Iraq. The consequences of monopolizing authority are well known. This situation will not lead to any result in favor of Iraq.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] After five years in rule and prior to that many long years of joint political action in the opposition where the goals and mechanisms were agreed upon at the opposition's London conference in 2001, what does the federal government and where have you reached?

[Barzani] Indeed, this is a question that puzzles us. We do not wish for anything outside the constitution and we do not want anything more than what the constitution gives us. We do not want anything more than what we have agreed upon in the constitution. The constitution was agreed upon by the majority of the Iraqi people and it sets rights and duties. We in the Kurdistan district are accurately committed to the articles of the constitution. We are not asking for more than what the constitution gives us. This includes Article140 (pertaining to the issue of Kirkuk and the disputed regions). Commitment to the constitution is the guarantee for safeguarding the unity of Iraq. It guarantees security and stability in Iraq and the building of a prosperous future for the Iraqi people. Thus, the constitution is the judge. No abiding by the constitution means potential disaster.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] Do you think that the Kurds in Baghdad - I mean President Jalal Talabani, Deputy Prime Minister Barham Salih, and even the Kurdish members of parliament - are capable of intervening in the political or security decision-making process?

[Barzani] President Talabani definitely plays a major role in the political process as Mr. Talabani. However, as president of the republic, he does not have many powers. We do not know how the powers are distributed. He constitutes the gathering point of many political factions and entities in Iraq. Furthermore, the presidency of the republic, the prime ministry, the speaker of the Chamber of Deputies (the Parliament), and the ministers have specific powers. However, these powers are very often ignored and sidestepped.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] Do you think that the government in Baghdad continues to behave with the logic of the strong brother and the weak brother?

[Barzani] Unfortunately, we seem to be still under the influence of a totalitarian regime. The one that takes over power thinks he has the last word in everything and that it is his right to make decisions without consulting others. He forgets the coalitions, the commitments, and the constitution.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] There are critical media reports inside and outside Iraq against the Kurds in Iraq. Are you aware of such reports?

[Barzani] This is very true. This is what we feel and it constitutes a grave danger. This is part of the injustice that we have suffered and that we continue to suffer from. The media is trying to distort the image of the Kurds and the Kurdish people. However, we are fair. The role played by the Kurds in safeguarding Iraq, the unity of Iraq, and the Arab-Kurdish brotherhood is much bigger than the roles played by others in this regard. The Kurdish role is well known and cannot be denied. Unfortunately, however, they do not wish to recognize this role; they want to distort this role. After the fall of the regime, everyone knows that we could have proclaimed something else. However, Brother Talabani and I went to Baghdad and tried with the brothers to fill the vacuum that resulted. We helped in the electoral process and in the elections and in drafting the constitution. We protected vast regions in Iraq from terrorism and the terrorists. We protected and continue to protect many Arab families that fled from their regions as a result of the terrorist operations and came to the Kurdistan region. During the uprising (of 1991), two Iraqi army corps (the First Corps and the Fifth Corps) surrendered in our regions, but not a single Iraqi soldier was harmed. In fact, we gave them the options of returning to their families or immigrating to another state or staying in Kurdistan although we were still bleeding from the effects of the Operation Al-Anfal and the chemical shelling by the Iraqi army. I say yes, this is unfortunately an unjust [media] campaign. We call on those that are fair like yourselves and through your fair newspaper to help us in conveying the true picture of what you see here. We do not ask anyone to polish or embellish our image. We ask the media to tell the truth about the Kurds and about Kurdistan for the sake of honesty.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] On the other hand, the Kurdish media is weak in conveying the true image of the Kurds and of the Kurdistan region and it ignores certain important issues that are taking place here.

[Barzani] This is true; I agree with you that the performance of the Kurdish media is unsuccessful. This is regrettable.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] Do you expect a confrontation to take place between you and the federal government or, shall we say, a Kurdish Arab government confrontation rather than a popular confrontation?

[Barzani] We oppose any escalation and any confrontation. We have to abort the chances of those that are lying in wait for democratic Iraq and its democratic experiment. There are wicked and ill-intentioned hands that are pushing night and day toward escalation and confrontation. However, we are exerting all our efforts to avoid such a situation. Matters have not reached this stage of escalation between the [Kurdistan] region and the federal government. However, there are misunderstandings, differences in viewpoints, and differences on many issues. Through dialogue and meetings, we shall try to agree on the common points. The points that unite us are more than those that separate us from one another. But we have to admit that there are points of agreement. There may be differences on the concepts of democracy and federalism but we hope that matters would never reach the point of confrontation.

[Asharq Al-Awsat] But the situation almost reached the point of confrontation in Khanaqin.

[Barzani] Yes, it is true that it almost reached the point of confrontation, but this was the result of a big mistake. Everyone should understand that the Iraqi army is our army and it includes many Kurdish forces. There was the peshmerga and they later joined the Iraqi army. In fact, our Kurdish forces were the nucleus that formed the new Iraqi army. We want the Iraqi army to be educated well. It should be given a patriotic education based on the principle of protecting the homeland rather than on the principle of killing the citizens. The incidents that took place in Khanaqin constituted a big mistake. First of all, the Kurdish forces that were deployed in the region contributed to the consolidation of security and stability in Khanaqin. They purged the area of the terrorists and gangs that tampered with the security and safety of the citizens there. Secondly, these Kurdish forces went to Khanaqin at the invitation and request of the federal government. When the government asked the Kurdish forces to withdraw, they actually withdrew. However, the military forces that replaced the Kurdish forces arrived to raise provocative slogans and acted exactly like the former army that had committed crimes against the Kurdish people in the past, including the crimes that were committed during Operation Al-Anfal. Unfortunately, these forces arrived with the same slogans, the same mentality, and acted in the same manner. Naturally, we do not consider this to be the army of new Iraq. We consider it as an extension of the dictatorial Baathist army that destroyed Kurdistan and destroyed Iraq. I reiterate that we are not opposed to the deployment of the Iraqi army. If we are subjected to any aggression we shall ask the Iraqi army for help and if the Iraqi army asks for our help we shall send our forces to wherever they wish. We did that on several important and dangerous occasions. We are the ones that founded the Iraqi army but the conduct of a specific commander in the region is raising problems and reminding us of the tragic past.

the full article is here:
http://aawsat.com/english/news.asp?section=3&id=13920

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-obamatrip23-2008jul23,0,4668191.story

From the Los Angeles Times

Obama turns focus from war to peace

After visits to Iraq and Afghanistan, the Democratic presidential candidate plans to meet with Israeli and Palestinian leaders.

By Michael Finnegan
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer

July 23, 2008

AMMAN, JORDAN — After visits to war zones in Iraq and Afghanistan, Barack Obama shifted his focus to Mideast peace efforts Tuesday as he arrived in the region for two days of talks with leaders in Jordan, Israel and the Palestinian territories.

The all-but-sure Democratic nominee for president vowed to work "from the minute I'm sworn in to office to try to find some breakthroughs" in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

"I think it's unrealistic to expect that a U.S. president alone can suddenly snap his fingers and bring about peace in this region," Obama said shortly after his arrival in Jordan under tight security. "What a U.S. president can do is apply sustained energy and focus on the issues of the Israelis and the Palestinians."

Obama spoke in a dramatic setting, the ancient ruins atop Citadel Hill, or Jebel al Quala, near the towering pillars of the Temple of Hercules. Across the valley behind him, thousands of concrete dwellings were visible, terraced across the steep hillsides of Amman, the capital. Soldiers with heavy weaponry patrolled the roasting hilltop as dust clouds swirled around Obama's lectern.

Obama's nine-day trip abroad is aimed at building voter confidence in his ability to handle foreign affairs at a time when Republican rival John McCain is portraying him as naive and unfit to protect the nation's security.

Campaigning in New Hampshire on Tuesday, McCain mocked the first-term Illinois senator for making "his first trip to Afghanistan ever" in recent days and getting his "first briefing ever" from Gen. David H. Petraeus, the top U.S. military commander in Iraq.

Today, Obama plans to visit the southern Israeli town of Sderot, a frequent target of rockets fired by Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip. He will also spend time in Jerusalem at Yad Vashem, a memorial to Holocaust victims.

Obama flew from Amman to Tel Aviv on Tuesday night.

He arrived in Jordan after wrapping up his Iraq visit on Tuesday morning with a stop in Ramadi, once a breeding ground of the Sunni Arab insurgency. He met for three hours with tribal leaders who voiced concern, he said, that a "precipitous" withdrawal could lead to new violence.

"I have proposed a steady, deliberate drawdown over the course of 16 months, and I emphasized that to them," Obama said.

Obama said Petraeus, who met with him Monday, made clear that he "does not want a timetable" for a U.S. pullout. But Obama renewed his call for a gradual withdrawal of troops, saying the U.S. needs to shift forces to Afghanistan to fight resurgent Taliban and Al Qaeda forces planning terrorist attacks.

Unlike a commander in chief, Obama said, Petraeus does not need to think about how some of the $10 billion spent by the U.S. on the Iraq war each month could be used "to shore up a U.S. economy that is really hurting right now."

Even as he left the combat zones of Iraq behind, an attack Tuesday morning near the Jerusalem hotel where Obama planned to stay illustrated the enduring violence of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A Palestinian man rammed a construction vehicle into a city bus and four vehicles, injuring six people before an Israeli civilian and border policeman shot and killed him.

Obama called the attack "a reminder of what Israelis have courageously lived with on a daily basis for far too long." Terrorism makes Israelis "want to dig in and simply think about their own security, regardless of what's going on beyond their borders," he said.

At the same time, Palestinians get frustrated when "they can't get to their job or they can't make a living" on the West Bank or in Gaza, he added. "It's hard for them, if they see no glimmer of hope, to then want to take that leap in order to make concessions."

Obama's calibration of the balance between Israeli and Palestinian interests showed the delicate task he faces in weighing the impact of his Mideast trip back home -- particularly on Jewish voters.

He is scheduled to meet today with Israeli President Shimon Peres and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

He also plans to confer in the West Bank city of Ramallah with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.

In Jordan, Obama met privately with King Abdullah II at Beit al Urdun palace. Afterward, they joined Queen Rania and invited guests for dinner. Abdullah drove Obama to the airport in his Mercedes 600, dropping him off on the tarmac. Jordanian soldiers wearing red-pattern kaffiyehs saluted Obama as he headed up the stairs of the plane.

The king, who cut short a visit to the United States to greet Obama, released a statement saying he told Obama "that ending the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land and achieving a just settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict tops the priorities of the people of the Middle East."

michael.finnegan@latimes.com

Times staff writer Maeve Reston contributed to this report.

Away from politics, Arab women sing

BY DR BOUTHAINA SHAABAN (Arab View)

24 May 2008 http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticleNew.asp?xfile=data/opinion/2008/May/opinion_May93.xml&section=opinion&col=

On the 60th anniversary of Al Nekbah, it has become clear more than ever before that there are two worlds, two concepts and two prospects for the Middle East, especially as far as the Arab-Israeli conflict is concerned.

The international media was busy highlighting the 60th anniversary of the birth of Israel to a total negligence of the plight and right of the Palestinian people. The Israelis have always taken pride in the so-called Balfour Declaration. At the same time they have done everything that goes against the wording and the spirit of Balfour Declaration itself.

When Balfour promised a national home for the Jews in Palestine, he stressed that "it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine".

Balfour described the non-Jewish communities as 'minorities' despite the fact the Arabs were a majority in their land. Nevertheless, Israel has done everything during these sixty years to undermine the rights, history, and the very identity of these communities, through killing, transfer and systematic erasure of indigenous people and replacing them with white and African settlers who have never been in Palestine.

It has become clear from the story of Palestine that serves as the prism for the story of the Arabs, that the Arabs are being systematically marginalised in the world affairs. What is happening in Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, and Somalia is a clear evidence of that. Moreover, the Arabs are losing their crafts, history and even language, which are being replaced by non-indigenous way of life.

The international media is totally biased against the Arabs and the laws issued in the West after 9/11 have a racist tinge against Arabs and Muslims. The Arabs are watching in disbelief what is happening to them, hoping that somehow their rights will be restored and their future will be theirs. But the problem is that this aggression against the Arabs is no longer limited to the political domain: their culture, language, food and way of life are all under attack. A new strategy in this attack is the infiltration of Arab people, so that some of them will adopt the colonial agenda against their people and fight them if necessary.

That is why Palestinian people, Iraqi people, Sudanese and the Somalis differ on the very definition of the national interests and how to defend these interests. Otherwise how do we explain some Palestinian negotiating with the Israelis but refusing to talk to their own brothers who just like them are faced a cruel Israeli occupation?

Hence, we can realise the arrogance of those targeting the Arab identity, as they possess the military means and the political power to terrorise and subjugate the Arabs. Added to this is the fact that international media is run, directly or indirectly, by people who occupy Arab lands

The factors that prolong and enhance this process have also something to do with the Arabs' failure to understand, strategise and design the correct mechanism to face this new evolving and difficult reality. The Arabs meet, talk and issue statements, but they do not put to use the mechanisms or the money needed for implementation.

Our enemies know this very well and exploit it. As the Arab media has also become mostly receptive to international media, there is hardly any credible source that presents the genuine and independent Arab perspective.

The best way out of this vicious circle is for the Arabs to change focus and highlight their points of strength from civilisation to history, language, crafts and values for which they are renowned. There are so many conferences, festivals, panels and seminars held at an Arab level almost every day, but they are not highlighted and celebrated in the media, although they will be so heartening and encouraging to young generations if they were.

To give only one example, Damascus as the capital of Arab culture embraced a number of Arab women singers from Morocco to Iraq who sang every evening in Al Azem Palace, Damascus. It was interesting to see the thousands of people in the audience responding so warmly and heartily to every singer because the tunes, the culture, the history and the language, of course, are the same.

In art, culture, literature and language, the Arab identity is deeply rooted and it is a source of pride to all of us. It is this identity that should be the focal point of all our efforts seeking to restore the balance in our favour.

The political domain is no longer the only one that should be the focus of our attention but the cultural, literary, legal, economic and artistic all should be taken very seriously. Once we do that we will be elevating the points of Arab strength that will serve Arabs' political stance and status. Once we do that, Israel would not dare to suggest erasing the word 'Nakbah' from the lexicon of the UN because this word embodies rights usurped, lands confiscated, towns and villages colonised and indigenous people killed or made homeless so it cannot be crossed without setting all these issues. The road to settlement, however, is not only political but it is cultural, economic, legal, historical and artistic.

Dr Bouthaina Shaaban is Syria's Minister for Expatriate Affairs and foreign policy spokesperson for the Syrian government

Arab women need to have a larger role in the media

Muhammad Ayish

• Last Updated: May 12. 2008 8:44PM UAE / May 12. 2008 4:44PM GMT

http://www.thenational.ae/article/20080512/OPINION/198289821/1080&template=opinion

The media’s handling of women’s issues has always generated heated debates in different communities around the world, and the Arab region is no exception. This week, a pan-Arab panel of media practitioners and experts convened in Abu Dhabi under the auspices of Sheikha Fatima bint Mubarak, the head of the General Women’s Union and of the Family Development Foundation, as well as chairwoman of the Arab Women’s Organisation, to exchange views on how to enhance women’s representation and professional presence in the media industries.

Clearly, the meeting underscores Sheikha Fatima’s keenness on supporting women’s causes not only in the UAE, but across the Arab region.

In 2002, the Abu Dhabi Declaration on Arab Women and the Media noted the leading contribution of the UAE to women’s advancement as a central component of the country’s development strategies. It also made reference to the growing role of the media in building up public opinion and publicising the remarkable achievement of Arab women in all walks of life, saying that women should be accorded appropriate representation in media content and offered professional opportunities of access to media institutions.

Although the Abu Dhabi meeting represents yet another milestone in the UAE’s endeavours to empower women to be active contributors to their communities’ development, the event carries far more profound significance. Participants discussed a draft Arab Women Media Strategy slated for initiation at the forthcoming conference of the Arab Women’s Organisation in mid November in Abu Dhabi on the role of women in human security.

The new document represents a different approach, with programmes of action to bring about changes in women’s relationships with the media. Over the past two decades, the representation of women in the media has figured high on national and pan-Arab public agendas; however, most of the initiatives to address this problem have been shrouded in political rhetoric, lacking in strategic visions, and failed to adopt a true pan-Arab posture.

This time, the convergence of clear visions about women’s empowerment and the bright achievements of the Arab Women’s Organisation in promoting more active roles for women in their communities, are bound to generate fruitful results.

The renewed interest in bringing about positive transformations in women’s roles — both as objects of media content and as media practitioners — seems to reflect some grim realities in this area. According to reports released by the United Nations Development Fund for Women (Unifem) and the Tunis-based Centre for Arab Women Training and Research (Cawtar), Arab women still have to make a lot of progress before they are able to leave enduring marks on the public sphere.

One Unifem report noted a considerable increase in the number of women entering the field of media across the region. However, this increase does not seem to have improved the way women are represented. This could be because of institutional media policies, professional values, or advertisers’ demands, the report acknowledges.

In June 2006, Cawtar released its long-awaited Arab Women and Media Report that revealed striking findings about women’s images, especially on the satellite television channels, in advertising and magazines. The report noted that women continue to lack appropriate access to senior media positions involving editorial decisions, staff recruitment, and budget allocations.

It also found that the way women are portrayed seems to be out of line with the huge advances achieved by Arab women in public life as politicians, educators, engineers, lawyers, and medical practitioners.

It seems unfair to blame these problems regarding the role of women in the media solely on long-established industry practices. Social and cultural inhibitions are also important factors to consider as large sections of the community continue to hold serious doubts about women’s entry into the media professions — despite the quite amazing dominance of women enrolling into communications studies programmes in the region.

More than ever, it is time to recognise the contributions to the development and sustainability of the media industry by women. For the next few decades, Arab women, like others in many parts of the globe, are likely to continue to be objectified, commodified and stereotyped in the public sphere. But when we think about the superb endeavours of visionary women leaders in the region such as Sheikha Fatima bint Mubarak in supporting women’s empowerment, we can be assured that the true face of the Arabian woman will eventually be visible at the end of this dark tunnel.

Prof Muhammad Ayish is Dean of the College of Communication, University of Sharjah